YOUNG, BRITISH, AND INVISIBLE …

In the grand tradition of British official inquiries, which have long specialised in discovering that the obvious is illusory and the painful truth is merely a matter of perspective, Alan Milburn has delivered his interim thoughts on the vexed question of why so many of our young people are neither working, nor learning, nor, one suspects, terribly bothered about either. The report, with all the solemnity of a minor prophet announcing mild weather, declares that there is simply no evidence linking the arrival of millions of low-skilled migrants with the stubborn refusal of native youth to fill entry-level jobs. Instead, the fault lies, as it so often does in these enlightened times, with the young themselves, their schools, their health, the welfare system, post-pandemic ennui, and a mysterious shortage of starter positions that no one can quite explain. 

One pictures Milburn at his desk, pen poised like a surgeon's scalpel, delicately excising the awkward statistical tumour that is the Centre for Social Justice's analysis of HMRC payroll data. For while the report wrings its hands over nearly a million NEETs—costing the nation a cool £125 billion a year, or roughly the annual defence budget multiplied by existential despair—the CSJ notes something rather more indelicate: since 2020, the number of non-EU migrants under 25 on UK payrolls has surged by 355 per cent. Young British nationals? A risible increase of just 11,000. Twenty-seven migrants hired for every one local youngster. In the hospitality sector, in retail, in those humble supermarkets where the British teenager once learned the ancient art of stacking shelves and resenting customers, the new face of British entry-level labour speaks with accents from rather further afield. 

This, we are assured, is coincidence. Correlation, that tiresome pedant, has once again failed to prove causation. One might as well observe that rain frequently follows the appearance of umbrellas and conclude that brollies cause precipitation. The young Briton, apparently, suffers from a complex interplay of mental health issues, inadequate training, and a welfare system that makes idleness more appealing than the minimum wage. The migrant, by contrast, displays a touching eagerness for zero-hours contracts and night shifts in warehouses—jobs, we are delicately given to understand, that our own youth find beneath them. Or perhaps they simply lack the requisite "work readiness." Employers, poor lambs, report that native applicants require more hand-holding than their imported counterparts. One wonders whether this has anything to do with the latter's urgent need to justify their presence and send remittances home, but such vulgar economic realities are best left to the accountants.

The Milburn document performs a rhetorical feat of which only seasoned New Labour hands are capable: it acknowledges a crisis of biblical proportions—one in eight young people NEET now, potentially one in six soon—while politely declining to notice the elephant not merely in the room but tap-dancing across the welfare budget. Mass low-skilled migration, we learn, is not a factor. Indeed, the expected future decline in net migration might even present an "opportunity" for British youth to fill the resulting vacancies. This is rather like a doctor telling a patient with a broken leg that the good news is the cast will come off eventually, provided no one else uses the crutches in the meantime. 

One must admire the intellectual dexterity required. Supermarket checkouts across the land swarm with first-generation arrivals performing tasks of no great technical complexity. Are these roles, then, suddenly requiring advanced degrees in applied logistics? Or is it simply that the new arrivals will work the awkward hours, accept the conditions, and display fewer expectations of a career path that does not involve eternal shelf-stacking? The left's traditional defence—that migrants take the jobs "Brits won't do"—has always carried a faint whiff of the Victorian workhouse overseer complaining that the lower orders lack moral fibre. Now it is dressed up in the language of systemic failure and generational fault lines.

The satire writes itself, as satire so often does when reality grows sufficiently absurd. Here we have a nation that once prided itself on sturdy yeoman stock and industrious apprenticeships, now reduced to importing its shelf-stackers from across the globe while its own young languish in a "hopeless Catch-22" of no experience, no opportunities, and no apparent incentive to acquire either. Meanwhile, the political class maintains the solemn fiction that none of this has anything to do with the deliberate expansion of the labour pool at the bottom end—a policy that conveniently supplies both cheaper workers for business and a more "vibrant" (read: less cohesive) society for the multiculturalists. Everyone wins, except the people who actually live here.

The Milburn report, for all its charts and concerned prose, ultimately offers the same comforting narrative Labour has peddled for years: the problem is complex, structural, and requires more intervention, better funding, and deeper understanding. What it does not require, apparently, is any serious reckoning with the most visible change in the British labour market since the millennium. To notice that would be indelicate. It would suggest that policy has consequences. It might even imply that the emperor's new diversity is rather scantily clad.

In the end, one is left with the image of British youth staring through the plate-glass windows of their local Tesco at the cheerful activity within, while officials inside explain, with exquisite politeness, that the issue is not the composition of the workforce but the character of those outside. The gaslighting continues, steady and relentless, delivered with the smooth assurance of men who have never had to choose between Universal Credit and the night shift. The young, meanwhile, are left to contemplate a future in which the entry-level rung on the ladder has been quietly occupied by others, and the official explanation is that they simply weren't reaching high enough.

One can only applaud the ingenuity. In a country once famous for its common sense, we have achieved the rare distinction of making mass youth unemployment into a problem of personal development. The migrants keep coming, the NEET figures keep rising, and the reports keep landing with all the force of a feather duster on a marble floor. Business as usual, in other words. God save the King, and pass the clipboard.

HOW CLARKSON'S CHOIR CLODDED WHITEHALL

In the great British tradition of taking our pleasures where we can find them—usually somewhere between a warm pint and a mild constitutional crisis—there arrived last weekend a spectacle so improbably heartening that one almost suspected the hand of divine intervention, or at least the subtler machinations of ITV scheduling. The Hawkstone Farmers' Choir, a band of agricultural souls first assembled by that roaring, tractor-driving provocateur Jeremy Clarkson, have won Britain's Got Talent. A choir of farmers. Winning a talent show. One can already hear the faint, wounded squeaking of metropolitan opinion-formers reaching for their oat-milk lattes. 

Let us savour the moment properly, with the dry appreciation it deserves. These were not polished professionals imported from some conservatoire; they were men and women who rise before the rooks to wrestle with livestock, subsidies, and the capricious moods of the English weather. Thrown together initially for the purpose of advertising Clarkson's beer, they discovered, as so often happens in this country, that shared adversity makes for better harmony than any amount of choral training. Their original song, "This Is Home," dedicated to struggling farmers and the quiet devastations of rural mental health, struck a chord—literally and figuratively—that resonated far beyond the usual simpering ballads about love and self-esteem. 

It began, fittingly enough, in mild controversy. The choir’s original advert for Hawkstone lager—an exuberant, expletive-peppered choral rendition of the Flower Duet that culminated in a heartfelt “F*** me, it’s good”—was promptly banned from television, radio, and cinema by the fun police in their beige offices. Apparently, the delicate sensibilities of the British public could not withstand farmers singing about the honest quality of a beer they had actually helped to brew. Clarkson, never one to suffer such interventions gladly, decried the decision with his customary volume. The advert was never officially submitted for clearance in some accounts, but the result was the same: suppressed on air, liberated on social media, and all the more effective for the prohibition. What better origin story for a group that would later sing their way to national triumph?

This, one need hardly add, is a victory for the working farmer in the face of what can only be described as sustained financial pillorying by the current Labour Government. While Keir Starmer's administration busies itself with the higher calling of edicts from Davos, the people who actually put food on the nation's tables find themselves squeezed by inheritance tax reforms, eroding support payments, and the general sense that agriculture is an inconvenient relic best managed by people who have never muddied a wellington boot. Rachel Reeves, a chancellor who regards the countryside as a mildly embarrassing theme park, has presided over policies that treat farms less as productive enterprises than as taxable assets awaiting redistribution. Ed Miliband, ever the enthusiast for net-zero targets that seem to apply rigorously everywhere except to imported foodstuffs, completes the trio. To them, the land is raw material for targets and press releases. To the Hawkstone choir, it is home, livelihood, and legacy. 

The victory, then, lands like a particularly well-aimed sod of earth across the collective brow of the front bench. One pictures Starmer's practised rictus tightening another notch; Reeves calculating the polling damage in marginal rural seats; Miliband blinking behind his glasses at the realisation that the proletariat he claims to champion includes men who know how to drive a combine harvester. A £250,000 prize and a slot at the Royal Variety Performance before the King—no doubt the sort of event where urban sophisticates will applaud politely while wondering why the performers smell faintly of honest labour. It is the sort of democratic rebuke that no focus group could have anticipated. The people, in their mysterious wisdom, have spoken. They prefer voices raised in rustic solidarity to the usual parade of precocious dancers and sob-story singers.

And then there is Clarkson himself. What a personal triumph. The man has spent years being denounced as a reactionary petrolhead by precisely those commentators who now find themselves on the wrong side of public taste once again. He assembled this choir not out of some grand ideological project but with the straightforward instinct of a man who saw his neighbours suffering and decided, in that loud, un-mincing Clarkson-esque way, to do something about it. The mental health support, the camaraderie, the beer—details, perhaps, but details that matter when your daily life involves isolation, volatile markets, and policymakers who regard you as an environmental problem to be solved. Clarkson's emotional reaction on the night was not staged; it was the satisfaction of a man who has, against considerable odds, been proved right in the most public forum available.

The detractors, of course, have been predictably vocal. Far-left socialist activists—those tireless guardians of other people's authenticity—have muttered darkly about "fixes," "privilege," and the intolerable spectacle of actual farmers receiving attention. How dare these tillers of the soil intrude upon the sacred stage usually reserved for more deserving urban narratives? One senses the underlying horror: farming, that stubborn, unapologetic connection to the physical world, refuses to be reduced to abstract slogans about equity and degrowth. These activists understand farming the way a vegan understands a Sunday roast—as a conceptual affront rather than a daily necessity. They lecture about food security from climate conferences while the people who grow the food wonder if their children will inherit the means to continue. 

The choir's win is more than entertainment; it is a reminder that reality has a habit of interrupting even the most fastidiously constructed ideologies. In the end, this victory is less about vocal cords than about resilience. British farming has endured enclosures, mechanisation, EU regulations, Brexit adjustments, and now the particular attentions of a Labour government convinced that the path to prosperity lies in ever more ingenious forms of extraction. The Hawkstone Farmers' Choir, by singing their way to national acclaim, have done something quietly revolutionary: they have made the countryside audible again. Not as a picturesque backdrop for weekenders, nor as a carbon sink for metropolitan guilt, but as a living, breathing community with its own voice, its own humour, and its own unanswerable claim on our attention.

One raises a glass—preferably of Hawkstone, naturally—to their success. In a Britain increasingly divided between those who produce and those who pontificate, the farmers sang, the public voted, and for once the right side won. The soil remembers. And sometimes, against all expectations, so does the audience.