Tuesday, 9 September 2025

VIVE LE COCK-UP

In the grand, creaking theatre of European politics, where the curtains never quite close and the actors trip over their own lines with alarming regularity, France has once again taken centre stage with a performance of such exquisite chaos that it could only be described as très magnifique. The collapse of yet another French government—this time under the beleaguered Emmanuel Macron—has unfolded with the predictability of a baguette snapping under the weight of too much fromage. One might almost admire the French for their consistency, if only it weren’t so consistently shambolic. Meanwhile, across the Channel, Keir Starmer’s Labour government teeters on its own precipice, a grimly earnest troupe of bureaucrats hoping to govern a nation that’s already halfway out the door, muttering about “better days” while clutching their lukewarm tea. Both nations, it seems, are auditioning for the role of Europe’s most spectacular political implosion, and—mon Dieu—the competition is fierce.

Let us begin with France, that eternal republic of revolution, where the very air seems to hum with the ghost of guillotines and the faint whiff of tear gas. The French political system is a marvel of self-inflicted sabotage, a contraption so baroque it makes a Rube Goldberg machine look like a Swiss watch. Since the storming of the Bastille, France has churned through republics, empires, and restorations with the frenetic energy of a chef trying to salvage a soufflé that’s collapsed for the fifth time. The Fifth Republic, now creaking along like a vintage Citroën with a dodgy clutch, was meant to bring stability. Instead, it’s delivered a revolving door of prime ministers, each more forgettable than the last, and a parliament that resembles a particularly fractious episode of Les Marseillais. Macron, the golden boy of 2017, who strode into the Élysée Palace with the swagger of a man who’d just invented the spreadsheet, now finds himself presiding over a government that’s less a coalition than a collection of mutually assured resentments.
The latest collapse—sparked, one assumes, by someone mispronouncing croissant in a cabinet meeting—has left Macron looking like a man who’s realised his soufflé isn’t just deflated but has somehow caught fire. His coalition, a fragile alliance of centrists, opportunists, and people who just like the smell of Gauloises, has splintered under the weight of its own contradictions. The left wants more socialism, the right wants less immigration, and the centre wants everyone to shut up and admire Macron’s cheekbones. The result? A government that couldn’t agree on the colour of the sky, let alone a budget. France’s history of political instability is less a cycle than a spiral, a vertiginous descent into farce where every few years the nation pauses to shout “Vive la République!” before promptly tripping over its own ideals.
And yet, there’s a perverse charm to this chaos. France’s political meltdowns are as much a part of its national identity as berets and existentialism. The French don’t just tolerate instability; they seem to demand it, as if a government that lasts too long is an affront to their revolutionary spirit. Macron, with his technocratic sheen and his penchant for lecturing the plebs about “reform,” was always going to be a temporary fixture—a man too polished for a nation that prefers its leaders slightly dishevelled and preferably shouting from a barricade. His regime’s slow-motion collapse is thus not a tragedy but a return to form, a reminder that France is never more itself than when it’s arguing about who gets to steer the sinking ship.
Across the Channel, the scene is no less absurd, though it lacks the Gallic flair. Keir Starmer’s Labour government, barely a year into its tenure, is already showing signs of the kind of exhaustion usually reserved for marathon runners or people trying to assemble IKEA furniture. Starmer, with his lawyerly earnestness and his wardrobe of sensible suits, promised “change” but seems to have delivered only the kind of change one finds at the bottom of a sofa—insignificant, slightly grubby, and not worth the effort. The British public, ever suspicious of politicians who sound like they’ve read the manual, are already muttering darkly about betrayal. The economy wheezes, the NHS limps, and the Home Office appears to be run by a committee of particularly dim carrier pigeons. If Dame Fate is kind, she’ll tip Starmer’s government into the same dustbin where Macron is currently rummaging for his dignity.
But here’s where the satire sharpens its quill and dares to dream. Both France and Britain, in their respective states of disarray, are grappling with a shared conundrum: the question of migration, particularly the illegal kind, which has become the political equivalent of a guest who overstays their welcome and eats all the biscuits. France, with its porous borders and its romantic notion of fraternité, has become a magnet for those crossing the Mediterranean in search of a better life—or at least better patisseries. Britain, meanwhile, has turned the Channel into a moat, only to discover that moats are less effective when the invaders have inflatable dinghies and a better grasp of human rights law than the Home Secretary.
The collapse of Macron’s government, and the potential toppling of Starmer’s, could—dare we hope?—mark a turning point. Not the polite, focus-grouped “reset” that politicians love to prattle about, but a proper reckoning. Imagine, if you will, a Europe where the penny finally drops, where the endless debates about “integration” and “diversity” give way to a simpler truth: that nations, like nightclubs, have a right to decide who gets past the velvet rope. Mass remigration, that taboo phrase whispered only in the darkest corners of X, could become the policy du jour, not out of malice but out of a belated recognition that borders are not just lines on a map but promises to the people within them.
France, with its history of dramatic gestures, might lead the charge. A new government, born from the ashes of Macron’s hubris, could declare that the party’s over, that the Republic will no longer be a halfway house for the world’s wanderers. Britain, ever the reluctant follower, might take note, dusting off its own sense of sovereignty and politely but firmly showing the door to those who arrived without an invitation. And from there, the dominoes could fall—Germany, Italy, Sweden, all waking up to the realisation that multiculturalism, like a poorly mixed cocktail, doesn’t always go down as smoothly as advertised.
Of course, this is a fantasy, and fantasies have a habit of dissolving under the harsh light of reality. The French will probably just elect another technocrat who looks good in a suit, and the British will grumble their way through another decade of managed decline. But for a moment, let’s indulge the dream of a Europe that remembers what it was, that shrugs off the weight of its own guilt and says, with a Gallic shrug or a British stiff upper lip, “Enough is enough.” The collapse of Macron’s regime, and the wobbling of Starmer’s, might just be the opening act in a drama where Dame Fate, that capricious old bird, decides to rewrite the script. Until then, we’ll watch the French government implode with the same morbid fascination we reserve for car crashes and reality TV, and hope that somewhere, somehow, the penny drops before the whole continent does.